Rethinking Development and CSR


When I was a kid starting to learn how to bike, I got into a fight with my cousin over the use of bicycle. Our grandfather saw the incident and separated us. Then he promised me a bicycle in the years to come. Hence, it was enough for me to treat my cousin fairly and nicely.

Now I have outgrown biking and my grandfather has passed away, but I have yet to ride on that promised bike. I think I have to buy one to fulfill someone’s promise.

There seems to be a growing consensus on the global and local problems (poverty, environmental degradation, conflicts, etc.) and their solutions (development driven by governments, NGOs, churches, corporations, etc.) by the international community. This consensus is manifest in the number of summits and conferences held in the past decades tackling global problems and recommending development approaches.

Coming from a “developing” country, I have witnessed and known the proliferation of programs and projects with the aim of “developing” our country since the 1960s. Most of these endeavors are internationally-funded and initiated. Up to now, we remain in the category of “developing,” while those donors and bureaucrats who conceptualized and introduced these programs and projects are ironically from “developed” countries. I think they are working in the tendency and objective that the rest of the world must be like theirs – “developed.” They see the needs of the “developing” countries and believe that they are doing service and something to the problems of the world.

In the 1987 Our Common Future report by the Brundtland Commission, the concept of “needs” is elaborated with emphasis on the “essential needs of the world’s poor, to which overriding priority should be given.” Although I see the real needs of the people, I still can not see the commonality of our future if today we live in diverse “presents.” If we are able to situate ourselves in a common present, then the possibility of talking about a common future sounds charming to those who are able to live decent and longer lives. But for the poorest people, everyday is a survival, and the future is short-sighted. They may even argue, why talk about the future when what I think about the whole time is this moment I can’t live without.

Lately, governments and NGOs cannot claim monopoly of development efforts to alleviate the plight of the poor. Corporations are having a fair share of development efforts. These efforts driven by corporations are often coined as corporate social responsibility (CSR). Corporations have finally seen the light that they too have a role and power to contribute to development in their chosen communities and field. Unlike governments, corporations are doing CSR on voluntary basis and goodwill. There is no binding obligation for these corporations to continually work on certain projects in communities.

On their 1996 book, Our Ecological Footprint: Reducing Human Impact on the Earth, Wackernagel and Rees point out that “the assumption and the facts upon which each is based must be subject to logical scrutiny and repeated ‘reality checks’.” I think this is applicable in the prevailing and hegemonic narrative of development driven by corporations. To be effective, any assumptions, interpretations and facts on development, to my mind, must be “subject to logical scrutiny and repeated ‘reality checks’.” What usually happens is that major decisions are done outside of the concerned community by implementers and experts of development. This creates tensions and confusions on the communities concerned which at times feel powerless and yielding to these decisions by their corporate benefactors.

Consultations and participatory mechanisms are conducted in communities, but they appear to be token ones. Communities must be thankful enough to recognize the efforts of corporations on their communities. They may wonder, at what expense? For the sake of what? What development framework CSR is adopting? Obviously, CSR cannot claim that its framework is people-centered development. Rightly perhaps, business-centered development with people and environment at the margins.

Wackernagel and Rees differentiate development which means “getting better” from the most-oft misconceived equivalent – growth which means “getting bigger.” This is a useful distinction and shift. However, growth remains the dominant discourse in development. Even the Brundtland report still highlights economic growth; it states, “And we believe such growth to be absolutely essential to relieve the great poverty that is deepening in much of the developing world.”

For me, it sounds hypocritical to talk about the needs of the world’s poor, and yet pursuing the masked thinking of the same thing (growth) that essentially degrades the environment and widens the gap between the rich and poor people and countries. Driven by its expansionist model, corporations see economic growth as the main force towards their goals while accommodating the concerns on the environment and of the communities. They project themselves as pro-sustainable development which is charming and promising to the impoverished and needy.

Governments, NGOs, churches and corporations have been preaching development of a future that is better than what we are and have. The poor may have to wait for these to happen. Or act on their own future with or without the promises of development made by the governments, NGOs, churches and corporations.

I have waited long enough to ride a bike of my own. I need to act if I really desire a bike. But, is it what I need?

Small Things I can do for our Mother Earth

After reading "Future Shock" by Alvin Toffler, I started to think of my role in the future of our world. It might sound messiahnic, but I was not thinking of saving the future for the world. I am thinking small ways on my own little world with my friends and relatives on how to avert the shocks of the future.

One of those shocks is happening now. Climate change. After years of neglecting the plight of environment, after decades of raping the environment, after centuries of sucking the life of environment, our generation is faced with the fruits of those acts. Technological advancement, rapid urbanization and industrialization, and climate change.

The documentary "The Inconvenient Truth" reminds each one of us that we have a role to play to salvage our mother earth from extinction and decay. In light of this, I list down what I could do as an individual. There is power in individuals that can make a dent and difference in the world.

1. Walk whenever I can while I can until I can. I do not want to burn more gases to be emitted in the air. I use the stairs instead of elevators. Or for others to join me in the elevator ride. I do not use it alone.

2. Conserve energy. I turn off unnecessary lights and home appliances.

3. Recycle, reuse, reduce. I do not accept more plastics to be used. I bring plastics/container everytime I go shopping. I buy in bulk as it reduces the number of garbage used for packaging.

4. Put things in a proper places including trash.

5. I do not use straw for my beverage.

6. I do not eat in a cafeteria or restaurant that uses styrofoam for their packaging, plastic cups, forks and spoons . I prefer eating in a plate, using aluminum fork and spoon, and glass.

7. I do not smoke. I also discourage others to smoke infront of me.

8. I live simply. This is one commitment that I have imposed upon myself.

I know you can also do your list. Try to do it and practice it regularly until it becomes a habit.

Goodluck!

Let us do something for our mother earth. She has been good to us; let us repay her with our goodness too. She cries for your action. Are you listening?

A Conflict Analysis of Rapu-Rapu Mining Issues

I received an email from Fr. Casey Archie, SX (Xavierian Missionaries), Coordinator of the Justice, Peace, and Integrity of Creation Commission (JPICC) of the Association of Major Religious Superiors of the Philippines (AMRSP) on October 29, 2007 informing me about the latest fish kill in Rapu-Rapu Island, Albay, Philippines. I got to know Fr. Archie, an active and known anti-mining advocate in the Philippines, over the internet when he read my articles online and emailed me asking for more information about my engagement in Rapu-Rapu mining issues.

It was in 2000 when I came to know the island of Rapu-Rapu. At the height of advocacy campaigns of anti-mining groups in Rapu-Rapu in 2000, I was working with the Center for Community Development (CCD) of the Ateneo de Naga University which supported the anti-mining campaign in Rapu-Rapu. I was involved in the setting of advocacy agenda and activities of Sagip-Isla, Sagip-Kapwa, a people’s organization composed of anti-mining locals of Rapu-Rapu. The advocacy campaign was designed to deny Lafayette Philippines, Inc. (LPI), an Australian mining company, of the crucial and all-important Environmental Compliance Certificate (ECC) which could prevent the planned mining operations of LPI. An ECC would be issued to LPI if its mining project became socially-acceptable with the locals. In 2001, LPI received an ECC for its mining project in Rapu-Rapu.

Fr. Archie was right about the incident of fish kill. On October 29, 2007, residents of barangay Poblacion in the island of Rapu-Rapu, Albay saw around 15 to 20 kilograms of dead fish scattered near the shoreline of this barangay, about 10 kilometers from the mining site of LPI.[1] It was like a replay of what had happened two years ago in the same island.

Two years ago, on October 11 and 31, 2005, mine tailings or wastewater from ore processing of LPI spilled to the creeks and into the sea, directly killing fish, shrimps and crustaceans in the immediate and surrounding fishing areas, thus affecting the livelihood of local communities in Rapu-Rapu and neighboring towns and provinces in Bicol region. It was found out that the spillages had high level of cyanide. On November 7, 2005, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), a State’s agency, suspended LPI’s operations until investigation and appropriate measures would be implemented.

Anti-mining groups composed mostly of civil society groups which included the local Catholic Church, non-government organizations (NGOs) and local people’s organizations (POs) revived and reiterated their call to revoke the mining permit of LPI. What they feared in the beginning of the mining project had come to reality, two times already. Probably, the spillage incidents were not enough bases and reasons for the State to revoke the mining permit; not enough if the State is located comfortably in the capital more than 600 kilometers away from the island and spillages.

Generally, I am going to analyze and reflect on the conflict between LPI and State, on one side, and on the other side, the anti-mining groups regarding the mining operations being conducted in Rapu-Rapu Island. In particular, I will focus on the spillage incidents and how they impacted on the dynamics of conflict. It is argued that the conflict and spillage incidents are exacerbated by the State’s resolve to revive the moribund mining industry by foreign investments. The data of the paper is informed by newspaper reports and the 7-month fieldwork conducted by the researcher in 2004 and 2005.

State’s actions on spillage incidents

The spillage incidents prompted an investigation by the DENR which showed that the discharge of cyanide did not meet the standards set by Anti-Pollution Laws and recommended improvement in the tailings pump and pond and measures to ensure effluent output or wastewater from the mine would meet the standards set by law. As a result, the DENR imposed the maximum 10.7 million pesos in fines and penalties on LPI.

The anti-mining groups were not satisfied with and did not trust the findings and recommendations of the investigation. Sharing their sentiments were some Catholic bishops who wanted to stop the mining operations in Rapu-Rapu Island.

To appease the growing confusion and question on what really happened in Rapu-Rapu Island, President Gloria Arroyo issued Administrative Order (AO) 145 which created the Rapu-Rapu fact-finding commission headed by a Catholic bishop on March 10, 2006. The commission released its comprehensive report on May 19, 2006 with its findings and recommendations. Major of which was to cancel the mining permit of LPI. However, the State did not heed the commission’s recommendation. Instead, on June 11, 2006, the DENR gave LPI a three-stage 30-day test run of its implemented measures and its soundness to operate again. After that, another 60-day test run was granted to LPI for its limited operations.

On February 8, 2007, the DENR allowed full resumption of mining operations of LPI in Rapu-Rapu Island to the dismay of the anti-mining groups.


Applying a conflict model of analysis (C.R. SIPABIO)

To have an understanding of the conflict in Rapu-Rapu Island, I make use of conflict analysis model known as Context, Relationship, Sources, Issues, Parties, Attitudes/Feelings, Behaviors, Intervention, Outcomes (C.R. SIPABIO) by Amr Abdalla, et. al. (2002).

Contextual factors (geography, economic, religion)

Endowed with rich mineral deposits in a 5,589-hectare land, Rapu-Rapu Island is located 350 kilometers southeast of Manila. The rich mineral deposits are what attracted LPI to invest heavily in the island. However, the topography of the island is dominated by rolling hills and mountains with steep slopes and dotted by plains along the shoreline for settlements. These characteristics, being a small island with fragile ecosystem, distant from the city and coverage of media, and of rolling hills and mountains, are the contentions of the anti-mining groups to disallow mining which would disturb ecosystem and pose threats to the marine life of the island.

In economic terms, the island is part of relatively poor 4th-class municipality. Its means of livelihood for the islanders is fishing and farming. Mining operations which require vast tract of land and laborers have displaced many farmers from their field and fishers to work in the mine. Regular access to cash income has attracted these farmers and fishers to abandon their previous livelihood. Many farmers and fishers though have expressed their apprehension and concern of the potential effects of mining on their land, sea and the environment as a whole from which they source their living. For these farmers and fishers, their security is tied with the state of environment on which they rely their living.

Religion plays a role in the conflict. Majority of the population of Rapu-Rapu are Catholics that make them perhaps identify with the struggle and cause of the church. This prompted the local Catholic church to actively participate in the public hearings about mining issues in behalf of the parishioners. It became a moral obligation of the local Catholic church to act in behalf of the locals when they were faced with dilemma such as this. Besides, the only organized group of people in the island is the Catholics through their church.

Relationship factors (power, patterns, bond)

With money and resources invested in the island, the mining company wanted to show that it meant business on its mining operations. It enticed the locals and local government units with jobs, infrastructure projects, revenues, and social services previously unimagined. Clearly, LPI was acting behind the power of its money and resources. However, unable to compete with the power of resources and money, a number of farmers and fishers and the local Catholic church were on the moral high ground, as it were, to oppose the mining operations since they believed that mining would bring no good to the island in the long run.

Having identified the two sides of the conflict, it became apparent their patterns of behavior to further their opposing stands. LPI always invoked the mining permit that the government had issued to them. It reminded the anti-mining groups that it underwent rigorous processes and social acceptability required by law before it was granted the permit. It also boasted some of the completed and improved social services delivery, infrastructure and utility projects which the anti-mining groups could not possibly give to the islanders. On the other hand, the anti-mining groups never ceased to call for the cancellation of the mining permit of LPI through mass protests, press releases, fora and symposia in various schools and universities around the country. The spillages aided and bolstered the cause of the anti-mining groups and these incidents were presented as telling proofs and logical reasons to stop the mining operations in the island.

The bond that ties the two sides (LPI and anti-mining groups) is the island and their goal and view of it. LPI wanted to exploit the mineral resources of the island while the local church and its parishioners wanted to protect and save the island from the exploitation of LPI. Many of the anti-mining group members particularly the elders have established a strong attachment to the island, and they see the mining operations as threat to this attachment. LPI has hired some locals to work for the mine. These locals, in turn, become supporters of the mining operations. Many of the anti-mining group members benefit from the projects of LPI and they even have relatives and friends working in the mine. In an island like Rapu-Rapu, things become small and everyone is almost connected to everyone by either affinity or consanguinity.

Sources

The strong attachment to the island of the local church and its parishioners, anti-mining groups’ persistent calls for the stoppage of mining operations to save the island, insecurity of the locals on their livelihood and resources, LPI’s decisiveness to continue the mining operations by continued “buying” of locals’ support with its vast and deep financial resources, and government’s stubbornness to attract and retain foreign investments in the country have contributed to the conflict as sources of it.

Issues

As mentioned earlier, the main issue stems from the divergent goal and view of LPI and anti-mining groups on the island. Again, LPI is bent on exploiting and extracting the mineral deposits of the island while the anti-mining groups are determined to protect the island from extractive and destructive activities such as mining. Another issue is how LPI lured other locals to support mining by the use of charming promises and immediate benefits of the mining project such as, jobs, social services, infrastructures, and access to cash income.

Parties


The primary parties that have direct interests in the conflict would be LPI and the anti-mining groups. Those that have indirect interests would be the mining workers and their families, the State and its DENR, local government units, and other locals of the island. The tertiary parties that have distant interests would be the environmentalist groups and business groups represented by Chamber of Mines of the Philippines.

Attitudes/Feelings

Both sides (LPI and anti-mining groups) exhibited distrust, bitterness and disdain towards each other especially from the anti-mining groups. This probably had something to do with frustration-aggression theory which basically proposes that “the greater the frustration, the greater the quantity of aggression against the source of frustration” (Gurr, 1970, 9). Being goal-oriented, the two sides have continued to frustrate and block each other from achieving their goals. Although the situation did not erupt into violence, but when LPI started to operate, it hired security guards not coming from the locals but from outside the island. LPI must have figured out that to depend its security on the locals posed a greater risk than having no guards at all. This situation was interpreted by the anti-mining groups as distrust of LPI on the locals’ ability to perform their assignment. However, when LPI implemented various projects for the communities, the anti-mining groups treated these projects as bribes and insincere gestures. When the unfortunate spillage incidents occurred, there was a growing disdain and bitterness among locals particularly the anti-mining groups towards the culprit, LPI. For a time, the incident deprived them of income from the sea and made them insecure of their basic human need of food.

Behavior

There was a sort of conflict spiral model right after the spillages. The anti-mining groups sent press releases to the media to inform the public of what really happened. LPI tried to downplay the extent and reach of the anti-mining press releases by issuing counter-press releases emphasizing that things were under control and the incident was limited and contained to certain small areas only. LPI even accused the anti-mining groups of sabotaging their desire for truth by releasing to the public and media “unscientific” investigations of the incidents. The anti-mining groups however pressed for an independent investigation of the incident to pin LPI of its culpability and negligence and project LPI and its mining operations as environmental disaster to Rapu-Rapu.

Intervention

The DENR as the state’s line agency tasked to oversee and regulate mining activities in the Philippines did commission an investigation by a third party to get to the bottom of the incidents. However, the anti-mining groups and some sectors of society doubted the credibility and objectivity of the investigation. This caused the President to issue an administrative order creating a presidential fact-finding commission chaired by a Catholic bishop to look into the incidents. Both sides (LPI and anti-mining groups) were amenable to the presidential fact-finding commission as they cooperated on its proceedings.

Outcome


The findings and recommendations of the third party investigation and presidential fact-finding commission were given little regard by the State that created it. The DENR slapped LPI 10.7 million pesos in penalties and fines due to obvious violations of environmental laws. Even though the presidential commission recommended the permanent closure of the mining operations, the State through the DENR granted instead LPI to proceed with its full resumption of mining operations after 16 months of the spillage incidents.

Despite the two spillage incidents in Rapu-Rapu and growing anti-mining sentiments, the State does not simply back down on its resolve of encouraging more mining investments in the country, much less revoking an existing mining investment like the Rapu-Rapu mining project. The order of full resumption of mining operations reverts back the anti-mining advocacy pushed by various civil society groups to start anew. For these civil society groups, had the State listened to their arguments and protests, the spillages would have been avoided. Because the State allows the mining operations again, these groups will press their advocacy more. Thus, the conflict continues.


My reflection on the conflict

A number of reflections could be gleaned from the conflict particularly in the context of state-civil society dynamics. First, mining issues are divisive. I saw how a once-sleepy island could be awakened by the disquieting conflict between the pro-mining groups led by local government’s leaders and anti-mining groups which tried to influence the minds and hearts of the locals. Clans, friends and communities took differing positions on the mining issues.

Second, national and local governments favor mining companies to invest in their areas of jurisdiction to further their revenues and economic activities. Government’s leaders want to keep the status quo with mining operations which employ many locals. They are not really pro-mining. They only favor mining because of what it can bring to their areas of jurisdiction. These are the consequential benefits of mining such as infrastructures, social services, economic gains, which will be difficult to reject by a sleepy town or barangay. I experienced how difficult it was to deal with a local government’s leader that had endorsed a mining project to do research on his jurisdiction. On the first day of my fieldwork, I was explicitly told not to stay in a mining area by a barangay chief during the courtesy call. The barangay chief thought that I was an organizer of labor unions or anti-mining groups, and so he feared my presence or any member of civil society groups in the area.

Third, the clash on mining issues between LPI and the State, on one side, and civil society groups, on the opposing side, is characterized by the clash of development models that each side advocates. LPI and the State follow the economic development model which treats investments, revenues, infrastructures, and other economic factors as premium indicators of development. Conversely, civil society groups adopt the sustainable development model which puts the environment in the mainstream development discourse.

Fourth, the State remains stubborn on its decision to open the mining industry to foreign investments and keep those investments in the country. The two spillage incidents in Rapu-Rapu would not deter the State to continue defending the interest of mining companies with which it considers its own. The investigation of a commission created, initiated and called by the State is only a show of accommodation of the demand of the civil society groups to have the spillage incidents investigated. In the end, the recommendations of the investigating commission which included the revocation of the mining permit of LPI were ignored by the State.



Conclusion

The conflict on Rapu-Rapu mining issues between LPI and the State, on one side, and the anti-mining groups composed of civil society groups remains unsettled, especially with a new report of spillage incident. The two spillage incidents have unearthed a greater threat to environment – State’s ineptness to use of power and resources. Despite the clear violations of environmental laws, LPI’s apparent disregard of the island’s fragile ecosystem, and the persistent calls for the cancellation of mining permit from the commission, various NGOs, POs, and civil society groups, the State simply slapped LPI with fines and penalties and ordered it to resume its full operations as if little and very minor things had happened. The continued disregard of the State to the appeal and demand of civil society groups to scrap the mining permit of LPI in Rapu-Rapu may mean more emails from Fr. Archie and other anti-mining advocates, stronger advocacy campaigns, and hopefully not, more spillage incidents.

If the State remains to be the most powerful entity that can enforce environmental laws and monopoly of official decision-making, how to engage and influence this kind of State on environmental and participatory governance will be a major challenge for development and peace workers like us.


References

Abdalla, Amr. et. al. 2002. Say Peace: Conflict Resolution Training Manual for Muslim
Communities. Virginia, USA: The Graduate School of Islamic and Social Sciences.

Gurr, Ted. (1970). Why Men Rebel. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

http://external.adnu.edu.ph/Centers/CCD/rapu-rapu/rapu-rapu01.html. Date accessed 21
December 2007.

http://www.mgb5.net/3RD-party.htm. Date accessed 22 December 2007.

http://www.mgb.gov.ph/miningissues/rapurapu/issue_rapurapu.htm. Date accessed 27
December 2007.

[1] See http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2007/oct/30/yehey/prov/20071030pro10.html for the news report on the fishkill.

Learning from Porto Alegre's Environmental Management Plan

With more than 1.6 million people, the city of Porto Alegre is the largest and most important political, economic, and cultural center in Southern Brazil. It also has the highest living standards among Brazilian cities. So how does the city manage its environment? The city works on six guiding principles for public environmental management in line with sustainable development. Major of which are “local government must endeavour to integrate sectoral policies,” “informed citizen participation” and “integrated environmental education and dissemination of knowledge about the city’s natural and built-in environments” (Menegat 2002, p.197) which all have an impact on participatory mechanism and environment in the city, particularly solid waste management.

Since 1989, basic urban services have been getting the highest priority in the budget (Menegat 2002, p.194). Included in these urban services is the solid waste management. It is the Municipal Environment Secretariat that is tasked to implement and coordinate environmental management policies. Unlike other cities in Brazil, these services are managed by state utilities or private companies (Ibid 2002, p.198).

To have an idea of what kind of wastes Porto Alegre produces, Ballestrim and Dutra (cited in Menegat 2002, p. 201) presents a table on what kinds of wastes the city produces daily.

TABLE 1. Kinds of waste materials produced in the city daily (1998)
Materials Quantity (tonnes) %

Paper: cardboard, newspaper, 10.5 26.3
mixed paper, clean paper

Glass: bottles, jars 6 15

Iron: tins, other iron objects 6.4 16

Other metals: aluminium, copper .06 1.5

Plastics: PET, mixed plastics 12.2 30.6

Non-recyclable materials 4.2 10.6

TOTAL 39.36 100


Almost a third (30.6%) or 12.2 tons of all wastes collected in the city daily are plastics. Different kind of papers account for 26.3% of all wastes or 10.5 tons per day. The irons and glasses come at very close third and fourth respectively in terms of volumes of wastes. Notably, these top four kinds of waste materials (plastics, papers, irons and glasses) are all recyclables.

Integrated Solid Waste Management

The Integrated Solid Waste Management (ISWM) was implemented in 1990 by the Department of Urban Cleansing to deal with the growing waste production and “fight poverty with income generation” (Bortoleto and Hanaki 2007, p. 277).

An integrated solid waste management (ISWM) system combines waste streams, waste collection, and treatment and disposal methods, with the objective of achieving environmental benefits, economic optimization and societal acceptability (White et al. 2002), with the flexibility to channel waste via different treatments if some condition changes. Nevertheless, for an ISWM system to operate effectively individuals must understand their role in the SWM scenario and cooperate with local authorities (Ibid 2007, pp. 276-277).

Through participatory budgeting, the citizens put top priority on public services including SWM. Sustainability, social acceptance and public participation become key concerns for the city in designing the ISWM. The ISWM of Porto Alegre features sustainability aspects, public participation through the former scavengers association and participatory budgeting and program on environmental education. The association was able to ink an agreement with the local government which collects and delivers the wastes from the source to sorting units managed by the association.

Before the ISWM, scavengers or informal wastes collectors simply dug their earnings for a living in the mountains of wastes in a landfill. There was no segregation of wastes. With ISWM which “aims to reduce the generation of solid waste, promote recycling and re-use, and undertake some services itself” (Menegat 2002, p. 201), there is a separation of wastes from the domestic, hospital, and industrial sources. The separation has significantly reduced the volume of wastes and the separate collection of different wastes in designated days has generated income from the informal wastes collectors. Recyclable materials are delivered to sorting units managed by the association of former wastes collectors and sold them in a higher price directly to recycling factories without the middlemen. Organic wastes collected from restaurants and households are used as pig feeds after undergoing a process. Non-recyclable materials go to landfill sites which are environmentally-sound (Ibid 2002, para. 202).

TABLE 2. 2005 data of integrated solid waste management of Porto Alegre
Total solid waste collected per year 317,183 tons
Proportion of employees and inhabitants 2.5 per 1,000
Household solid waste production 0.6 kg. per inhabitant per day
SWM cost per inhabitant US$ 27.06
SWM cost per employee US$ 10,888
SWM cost per year US$ 3,575,320
SWM economic self-sufficiency 51.3%
Total recyclable wastes collected 21,600 tons

Source: Bortoleto and Hanaki (2007). “Report: Citizen participation as a part of integrated solid waste management: Porto Alegre case.” Waste Management and Research, Sage Publications, pp. 276-282.

Comparing the 1998 and 2005 data on waste production, there is a huge discrepancy between the two data. In 1998, the total waste production daily was 39.36 tons while in 2005, with 0.6 kg. waste production per inhabitant daily multiplied to 1.5 million people and divided by 1000 kg. to convert it to ton; the total waste production daily in 2005 was 900 tons. In a span of seven years, there is an increase of 860.64 tons in daily waste production. Interestingly, out of 317,183 tons collected annually, only 21,600 tons were the total recyclable wastes collected or merely 6.8% of the total wastes. Nonetheless, it is still a reduction to the total waste production.
Bortoleto and Hanaki (2007, p. 280) recognizes that “recycling trade has not been well-developed in Porto Alegre, which has only a small trade in potential recyclable wastes.” Plastics remain the top recyclable materials and significant volume of papers is believed to have been brought to recycling centers at the source of separation by independent informal waste collectors.

Impact of environmental education and public participation

The survey of Bartoleto and Hanaki (2007)[1] showed that there is a high knowledge on selective collection service with 83% of the respondents saying they are aware of it. Sixty-four percent or (64.5%) of the respondents indicated that they always practice source separation of wastes and 17.1% said that they usually do it. When asked about their reasons why they do what they do, 30.1% of the respondents credited the media campaigns; 20.2% said that it was due to the information given by the local government; 18.4% accounted it for the environmental education conducted by the local government; 9.2% said that it was from neighborhood meetings. Bartoleto and Hanaki (2007) explained that in the last few years there was a decrease in the campaigns of local government. However, the respondents might have not realized that the city’s campaigns influenced other campaigns.

The publication of the Environmental Atlas of Porto Alegre in 1998 helped in the environmental education and in making the public participation meaningful in the effort towards sustainable development. The Atlas “provides the knowledge that citizens need in order to participate in an informed way” (Menegat 2002, p. 203).

The effectiveness of any environmental management plan is hinged on the participation of the citizens. “A commitment to sustainable development entails adopting participatory mechanisms that reach and involve a wide range of social groups” (ibid, 2000, p. 205).



References

Bortoleto, Ana Paula and Hanaki, Keisuke. (2007). “Report: Citizen participation as a
part of integrated solid waste management: Porto Alegre case.” Waste Management and Research, Sage Publications, vol. 25, pp. 276-282.

Menegat, Rualdo. (2002). “Participatory democracy and sustainable development:
integrated urban environmental management in Porto Alegre, Brazil.” Environment & Urbanization, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 181-206.

[1] For the result of the survey, see Bortoleto and Hanaki (2007). “Report: Citizen participation as a part of integrated solid waste management: Porto Alegre case.” Waste Management and Research, Sage Publications, pp. 276-282.